Revista Brasileira de Educação do Campo
Brazilian Journal of Rural Education
ARTIGO/ARTICLE/ARTÍCULO
DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.20873/uft.rbec.e10791
Tocantinópolis/Brasil
v. 6
e10791
10.20873/uft.rbec.e10791
2021
ISSN: 2525-4863
1
Este conteúdo utiliza a Licença Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International License
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Rural Education: some indicators
Marilene Santos
1
1
Universidade Federal de Sergipe - UFS. Departamento de Educação. Avenida Vereador Olímpio Grande S/N. Porto. Itabaiana
- SE. Brasil.
Author for correspondence: mari.santos@uol.com.br
ABSTRACT. The following article, whose nature is descriptive
and bibliographic, aims, based on Goal eight of the National
Education Plan 2014-2024 (PNE), to identify some indicators
for the Countryside Education. For such purpose, we consider
the educational reality of the countryside based on: the low
schooling of the population; in the negative evolution of the
enrollments number in the last few years; and in the
circumstances through which the quality benchmark, provided
by the Basic Education Development Index (Ideb), has been
unproductive to the define public policies aimed for the
Countryside Education. Despite the operational difficulties of
the educational system to obtain the necessary information for
its composition, the results of the last two Ideb, however,
already show progress. Based on these indicators, we conclude
that some actions aimed at increasing the schooling of the
countryside population were undertaken, however, the unequal
educational condition among young people living in the
countryside and those who live in the urban areas still persists.
There is a possibility of fulfilling the goal eight of PNE by 2024,
however, this may not mean progress in guaranteeing the
countryside population’s rights to an education of quality, but,
on the contrary, its reduction.
Keywords: educational indicators, rural education, PNE.
Santos, M. (2021). Educação do Campo: alguns indicadores...
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Educação do Campo: alguns indicadores
RESUMO. O presente artigo, de cunho bibliográfico descritivo,
tem como objetivo, a partir da meta oito do Plano Nacional de
Educação 2014-2024 (PNE), identificar alguns indicadores da
Educação do Campo. Para tanto, consideramos a realidade
educacional do campo com base: na baixa escolaridade da
população; na evolução negativa do número de matrícula nos
últimos anos; e nas circunstâncias por meio das quais o
referencial de qualidade, fornecido pelo Índice de
Desenvolvimento da Educação Básica (Ideb), tem sido pouco
producente para a definição de políticas públicas voltadas à
Educação do Campo. Apesar das dificuldades operacionais do
sistema educacional no sentido de levantar as informações
necessárias para a sua composição, o resultado dos dois últimos
Ideb demonstram avanços. A partir desses indicadores,
constatamos que algumas ações direcionadas a aumentar a
escolaridade da população do campo foram empreendidas, mas a
condição educacional desigual entre os jovens residentes no
campo e os que vivem nas áreas urbanas ainda persiste. Há
possibilidade de cumprimento da meta oito do PNE até 2024, no
entanto, isso pode não significar avanços na garantia de direitos
da população camponesa a uma educação de qualidade, mas, ao
contrário, a sua redução.
Palavras-chave: indicadores educacionais, educação do campo,
PNE.
Santos, M. (2021). Educação do Campo: alguns indicadores...
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Educación de Campo: algunos indicadores
RESUMEN. El presente artículo de cuño bibliográfico
descriptivo tiene como objetivo, a partir de la meta Ocho del
Plan Nacional de Educación 2014-2024, identificar algunos
indicadores para la Educación del Campo. Para tanto,
consideramos la realidad educativa del campo con base en: la
baja escolaridad de la población; la evolución negativa del
número de matrícula en los últimos años; y las circunstancias
por medio de las cuales el referente de calidad, proporcionado
por Ideb, ha sido poco productivo para la definición de políticas
públicas dirigidas a la Educación del Campo. A pesar de las
dificultades operativas del sistema educativo en el sentido de
obtener las informaciones necesarias para su composición, el
resultado de los dos últimos Ideb, sin embargo, ya muestran
avances. A partir de estos indicadores, constatamos que algunas
acciones dirigidas a aumentar la escolaridad de la población del
campo fueron empreendidas, pero, la condición educativa
desigual entre los jóvenes residentes en el campo y en las áreas
urbanas todavía persiste; hay posibilidad de cumplimiento del
objetivo Ocho del PNE hasta 2024, con todo, eso no significará
avances en la garantía de derechos de la población campesina a
una educación de calidad, sino, al contrario, su reducción.
Palabras clave: indicadores educativos, educación rural, PNE.
Santos, M. (2021). Educação do Campo: alguns indicadores...
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Introduction
Access to schooling in the Brazilian
population has made significant advances
in the last thirty years. However, despite a
near universalization of access to basic
education, boosted since the 1990s, Brazil,
until 2005, was among the countries of
Latin America and the Caribbean in which
compulsory education had the shorter
durations, and children only accessed it
from the age of seven (Ranieri & Alves,
2018).
With the advances of the expansion
of the access to school education, the
Brazilian educational policies begin to
engage in the progression and the
improvement of its quality. In the period
between 1999 and 2005, elementary school
had school retention rates between 10.4%
and 13% and school dropout rates between
7.5% and 12%, and high school between
7.2% and 11.5%, and 14.7% and 16.6% in
the same indexes (IBGE, 2020).
Educational inequality, however, remains a
problem, having high levels and existing in
different dimensions and aspects.
In terms of quality, Brazil still holds
a very low position in world indexes when
the evaluation criterion is student learning.
In 2015, it ranked 60th among the 76
countries evaluated in Mathematics and
Sciences by the Organization for Economic
Cooperation and Development (OECD). In
the 2018 evaluation, even rising some
positions, it continued to occupy the last
places: 57th in reading, 66th in Science
and 70th in Mathematics (INEP, 2019).
The low levels of Brazilian education
keep challenging the State, over the past
three decades, to develop and implement
educational policies that qualitatively
change these levels, putting Brazil on a
more comfortable status before the
international community. As an example,
we can highlight the implementation of the
Lei de Diretrizes e Bases da Educação
Brasileira LDB 9394/96 (Brazilian
Education Guidelines and Bases Law) and
the Parâmetros Curriculares Nacionais
PCN (National Curricular Parameters)
(1997); the creation of the Fundo de
Manutenção e Desenvolvimento da
Educação Básica e de Valorização dos
Profissionais da Educação FUNDEB
(Fund for the Maintenance and
Development of Basic Education and the
Valorization of Education Professionals)
(2006); the Plano Nacional de Educação
PNE (National Education Plan) (2001-
2010), the Plano Nacional de Educação
PNE (National Education Plan) (2014-
2024), the Base Nacional Comum
Curricular BNCC (National Common
Curriculum Base) (2017); etc.
Approved in 2014 after an intense
national debate, the PNE (2014-2024),
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which sets 20 targets for the investment
policy in Brazilian education for the next
ten years, is the object of analysis in this
research. We aim to analyze the goal eight
of the new PNE, which focus on raising the
schooling levels of the young people and
adults in the countryside, of the black
population, and of the 25% poorest.
Goal 8: raise the average schooling
of the population from aged 18
(eighteen) to 29 (twenty-nine) years,
so as to reach at least 12 (twelve)
years of schooling in the last year of
this Plan, for the populations of the
countryside, the region with the
lowest education level in the country
and for the 25% (twenty-five percent)
poorest, and equal the average
education level between people who
declared themselves black and those
who declared themselves non-black
to the Fundação Instituto Brasileiro
de Geografia e Estatística IBGE
(Brazilian Institute of Geography and
Statistics Foundation). (Brazil, 2014,
p. 33, our translation
i
).
Specific groups that present distinct
demands, contexts and problematizations
regarding the guarantee of the right to
education are represented in this goal.
Without disregarding the importance of
each one of them, we narrowed down our
analyses to the first group: that of young
people and adults in the countryside.
This research proposal falls within
the scope of public education policies,
linked to the Grupo de Pesquisa:
Educação e Movimentos Sociais
GPEMS/UFS (Research Group: Education
and Social Movements). Its main objective
is to identify indicators for rural education,
an educational modality that has a history
marked by data showing exclusion and
quality levels below the national average,
considering for this analysis the 2014-2024
PNE's goal eight.
The goal eight was chosen based on
the accelerated process of rural schools'
nucleation and shutdown, implemented by
the municipal and state systems in
Sergipe. Moreover, it was found that the
goal eight is the only one, among the
twenty in the PNE, which proposes to
intervene specifically in the rural
education. There are, as demonstrated by
Santos (2018, p. 203), seventeen strategies
focus on rural education in the set of 254
that make up the PNE, however, only the
goal eight of the Educação de Jovens e
Adultos (EJA) (Education of Young
People and Adults) refers to rural
education, specifically, when establishing
the effort towards increasing the schooling
of young and adult peasants (our
translation)
ii
.
It is an important goal for
guaranteeing the right to education. Its
relevance in the PNE can be seen if we
observe the data of educational inequality
between the young and adult population
living in the countryside and that living in
the city, shown in the last demographic
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census (IBGE, 2010). The result of this
census showed a difference of 2.1 years of
schooling between these populations.
While the average schooling of the
population aged 18 to 24 years in the urban
area was almost ten years of schooling (9.8
years), that of the rural area was not eight
years (7.7 years) (IBGE, 2010).
This descriptive bibliographic study
was carried out through the reading and
analysis of the National Education Plan
(PNE 2014-2024), of technical reports of
the Instituto Nacional de Estudos e
Pesquisas Educacionais Anísio Teixeira
Inep (National Institute of Educational
Studies Anísio Teixeira) and the Instituto
Brasileiro de Geografia e Estatística
IBGE (Brazilian Institute of Geography
and Statistics), of the information available
at the Observatório do PNE (PNE
Observatory), as well as of authors dealing
with rural education, such as Molina
(2004; 2012) and Ribeiro (2010; 2012). It
has, as a guideline, the educational reality
of the countryside, regarding the level of
schooling, the evolution of school
enrollment and external evaluation, of the
Índice de Desenvolvimento da Educação
Básica Ideb (Development Index of
Basic Education). In this paper, we
structured the text as follows: a brief
presentation of the Rural Education
scenario, in which we will bring the
trajectory and data of the peasant reality;
an analysis of the goal eight and its
respective strategies; indicators evidenced
by the goal and some considerations.
Trails in the rural education
The history of Brazilian education
shows us that the rural areas, even with
educational actions (projects, programs),
are not treated as a priority in public
educational investments, but with specific
purposes with low-cost for social policies
(Jesus, 2015); (França, 2021); (Santos &
Paludo, 2020). According to the research
carried out by Calazans, Castro and Silva
(1981), the rural environment is seen as a
space that requires educational investment
only since the 1930s. A similar finding is
presented by Barreiro (2013) in a research
on training for agricultural education and
training of rural teachers in the 1950s and
1960s. This was because there was a need
for structural adjustment to the
industrialization process that intensified in
Brazil at that time, and education should
ensure the formation of workforce for the
expanding labor market in the country:
Education assumes a rectifying
function in order to prepare rural
populations to adapt to the process of
subordination to the capitalist mode
of production, which assumes more
defined contours, combining the
expulsion of the land with the
formation of manpower for the
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nascent industries (Ribeiro, 2010, p.
166, our translation
iii
).
The education's standpoint on which
the educational action was based was
backward with regard to the rural
environment, misunderstanding it as
archaic, as if it and its people lived and
worked in a stage prior to capitalism.
Therefore, it was up to the school to play
the role of enabling the countryside people
to face the challenge of dealing with the
introduction of technologies and
innovations to agricultural production
(Ribeiro, 2010, p. 167, our translation
iv
),
through scientific knowledge.
The agricultural companies presented
two important demands to the Brazilian
peasants: to adapt the workers to the new
method of the productive process and to
educate them to the consumption of the
new agricultural production. In this sense,
it was necessary to adopt educational
programs and projects that would prepare
workers for their new duties in the world
of work. The arrival of the agricultural
companies in the Brazilian countryside has
produced an intense transformation of the
peasant landscape. There is, therefore, a
destruction of the subsistence areas, that is,
in this perspective, the subsistence crops
of a large portion of the population are
destroyed to give way to profitable
production (Ribeiro, 2010, p. 167, our
translation
v
).
Some of the research on rural
education, specifically those conducted by
Calazans, Castro and Silva (1981), and
Barreiro (2013), show that the courses and
trainings carried out diagnosed the
unsuitability of rural workers to continue
in agriculture. This factor favored
migratory processes from the countryside
to the city in search of better living
conditions. They also show a negative
perception of the peasant population in the
justifications and contents of the programs
and courses aimed at their education:
The rural worker is seen as
malnourished (lacking in food),
ignorant (lacking in information),
sick (lacking in health), isolated
(lacking in contacts with the outside),
anomic (lacking in social and
conscious ties), or averse to social
solidarity (Calazans, Castro & Silva
apud Ribeiro, 2010, p. 168, our
translation
vi
).
In the training of rural teachers
developed by the Campanha Nacional de
Educação Rural CNER (National
Campaign for Rural Education), the
program of the courses covered a universe
much broader than the mere pedagogical
aspect: In addition to the disciplines of
regular education, others composed the
programs of the courses, such as: moral
and civic education, hygiene and nursing,
cooking, recreation and singing, training,
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agriculture for the countryside and
agriculture for the classroom (Barreiro,
2013, p. 655, our translation
vii
). Although
explained in all the material of the courses
the objective of respecting the values of the
local population, the records in reports,
diagnoses and activities point in the
opposite direction, as identified by
Barreiro (2013) in the notes of an
agronomist about the countryside man:
The rural man, given his isolation,
is a deformed man. He lives
forgetful, even of himself, and in
a sick conformism he lets himself
be dragged along, cutting off half
his existence through the
ignorance that increases his
hunger and undermines his
organism with deficiency-related
diseases ... His morals are based
on family promiscuity, which
denies him even the feelings of
the human person. His spiritual
life is tied to popular superstition
and his school is the same old
thing, repeated from generation to
generation (Barreiro, 2013, p.
655, our translation
viii
).
The education would fulfill the role
of redeemer of the above reality. In spite
of this, the educational proposals were
conceived externally and implanted in the
rural environment without considering the
demands of the subjects who were the
target group of these formative processes.
For Ribeiro (2010), the consequences of
the characterization of the peasant thought
externally have proved themselves to be as
nefarious as the absence of the State:
This abstract characterization of the
reality of the peasant, or rather, this
characterization defined by external
interests that anticipate the expected
results of the rural education that will
be offered, has produced as much
harm to rural populations as the
state’s immobilism with regard to the
provision of social policies in
response to the demands of farmers
(Ribeiro, 2010, p. 169, our
translation
ix
).
The aspects noted above also allow
us to make some considerations. The first
concerns the way in which rural education
initiatives were taken until the beginning
of the second half of the 20th century, by
international organizations, by departments
of the Ministry of Education MEC, or
under the influence of such organizations,
that is, there was no Brazilian educational
policy that aimed to guarantee the right to
education of the peasant population. There
were only educational proposals imported
from abroad to be implemented in the
Brazilian rural areas (Barreiro, 2010).
Another consideration concerns the fact
that the workers were not consulted about
their educational needs. The proposals to
be implemented in schools, unions,
parishes, among others, were delivered to
the State's most diverse partner agencies,
which were also not consulted about nor
could interfere in their objectives, contents
or methodologies. These attributes of
importation and silencing of, or
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indifference to, the local contexts in the
educational processes of schools located in
rural areas persist even today. As pointed
out by Pimentel and Coité (2021, p. 271),
the education for the rural population is
approached based on a substantially urban-
oriented curriculum. Consequently, it is far
from the particularities, needs and reality
of the countryside (our translation
x
). We
call these educational processes rural
education.
The rural education is organized
based on educational principles and
objectives linked to the formation of
workforce for the labor market of large
urban centers. Its curricula, its
methodologies, its pedagogical materials,
and the functioning of the school follow
the same pattern used by urban schools. It
is a school that is in the rural environment
with strong marks of the urban, as stated
by Knijnik (2001, p. 142): the school of
the rural environment is a school that being
there, is out of there (our translation
xi
).
There are millions of children who see
their world hidden at school, either through
what is in the textbooks, or through the
contents that are worked in the classroom,
the content of the city (Knijnik, 2001, p.
142, our translation
xii
).
Assuming a clear intention to oppose
the rural that denies the history of the
subjects who survive from the work of the
land, the social movements of the
countryside start a process of re-
signification of themselves as collective
political subjects (Ribeiro, 2010, our
translation). This process of re-
signification builds the term Countryside
to replace Rural, which, from then on,
comes to represent both the struggle for
land and the struggle for education. Thus,
the term Countryside takes on a political
connotation of the continuity of peasant
struggles and, therefore, it does not mean
the profile of the soil in which the farmer
works, but the historical project of society
and education that has been forged in and
by the peasant movements (Fernandes &
Molina, 2004, p. 32, our translation
xiii
).
This project of society and education
puts under suspicion the homogenizing
character of education and teaching and
calls for an education that recognizes and
values the heterogeneity and specificities
of different social, cultural, territorial, and
economic context in school education. The
overcoming of a (rural) education
noticeably committed to urban marketing
objectives, which have as priority only
instrumental and preparatory training
processes for the labor market, is one of
the main objectives of countryside
education which, according to Caldart
(2012):
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projects a future when it recovers
the essential link between human
formation and material production
of existence, when it conceives
educational intentionality in the
direction of new patterns of social
relations, through the ties with
new forms of production, with
free associated labor, with other
values, political commitments,
with social struggles that face the
contradictions involved in this
process (Caldart, 2012, p. 263,
our translation
xiv
).
In this sense, the curricula of
countryside schools, the methodologies
adopted, and the organization of
pedagogical work, should prioritize the
valorization, the respect for peasant
culture, the plurality of knowledge in the
rural environment, the identities of the
subjects living in the countryside (Pimentel
& Coité, 2021), as opposed to what occurs
in most countryside schools. Even if
processes of transformation of countryside
schools into countryside schools are
underway, the prevalence is still the
perspective tied to countryside education.
Negative educational indices (illiteracy,
teacher qualification, structural conditions,
and access to schools) predominate in rural
areas (IBGE, 2020).
Countryside schools have historically
presented vastly different physical
characteristics in terms of available
resources. Considering the number of
classrooms as an indicator of school size,
75% of urban schools that offered
elementary and middle school in 2010 had
more than five classrooms. For schools
located in rural areas, the profile was
different, as 94% had fewer than five
classrooms. In 2016, schools with only one
teacher (escolas unidocentes) located
exclusively in rural areas accounted for
7.2% of Brazilian schools (INEP, 2017).
If we take teacher qualification as a
reference, the data continue to show
significant differences, as shown in Tables
1 and 2.
Table 1 Qualification of early childhood education and elementary school teachers (1st to 5th grade).
Area
Teachers with
only high school
diploma (non-
normal)
Teachers with a
degree (without
licenciatura)
Total teachers
without minimum
training
% of all teachers
Urban
75,524
18,020
93,544
10.5
Rural
20,501
2,862
23,363
13.3
Source: Censo Escolar 2013/Inep/MEC. Own elaboration, 2020.
Table 2 Qualification of middle school (6th to 9th grade) and high school teachers.
Area
Teachers with
only high school
diploma (non-
normal)
Teachers with a
degree (without
licenciatura)
Total teachers
without minimum
training
% of all teachers
Urban
100,237
21,158
121,395
14.8
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Rural
91,380
3,993
95,373
49.9
Source: Censo Escolar 2013/Inep/MEC. Own elaboration, 2020.
In the Censo Escolar 2016 (2016
School Census), there is a considerable
change in the qualification of teachers
working in basic education. Of the 2.2
million teachers, 90% had licenciatura
xv
.
Among these, 12.9% work in the schools
of the rural area (INEP, 2017).
In the observation report of the
Conselho de Desenvolvimento Econômico
e Social CDES (Council of Economic
and Social Development) (Brazil, 2011), it
is noted that in the period corresponding to
the years 2005 to 2012 there were
significant advances in educational results,
however, there are still high levels of
inequalities in several aspects, among them
the Countryside Education.
Educational access can be illustrated
from these inequalities insofar as we verify
data from 2012 and find that in Early
Childhood Education the care of children
from 0 to 3 years was 21.2% in the urban
area and 9.4% in the countryside; in
preschool, the percentages of children aged
4 to 5 years attended were 80.7% in the
urban area and 66.7% in the countryside.
Elementary school was the most equitable
in terms of access, with 98.4% in the urban
area and 97.5% in the rural area. While in
the urban area the age/grade distortion was
19.9%, in the schools of the countryside
the percentage reached 33.7%.
The situation of inequality is even
more evident in high school. While 56.6%
of young people aged 15 to 17 in urban
areas attended high school in 2012, in rural
areas this percentage was 41.3%. In that
year, 31.9% of young people living in
peasant communities and 58.4% of those
living in urban areas completed high
school (Brazil, 2011).
The countryside schools are the ones
with the worst infrastructure
conditions to receive students
according to the Censo Escolar de
2009 (2009 School Census), almost
20% of them have no electricity. The
number of schools without a library
and computer labs is in the range of
90%. Less than 1% of schools in the
countryside are equipped with
science labs (Brazil, 2011, p. 25, our
translation
xvi
).
This scenario of Countryside
Education needed to be expressed in the
form of goals and strategies in the new
Plano Nacional de Educação (National
Education Plan), as a challenge to be faced
in Brazilian education. According to the
Ministry of Education, the goal eight of the
PNE is part of the set of goals aimed “at
reducing inequalities and valuing
diversity (Brazil, 2014a, p. 11, our
translation
xvii
). When looking at the
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strategies that have the role of
implementing goal eight, some issues draw
our attention.
First, there is no
educational/pedagogical novelty in the six
strategies of goal eight that would
guarantee a change in the average level of
schooling of the peasant population. These
are strategies already used by the various
educational systems, which only have a
supplementary function, and which have
little effect on the educational reality of
young people and adults, especially those
of the countryside population. The data on
access to high school shown in the
previous section of this paper demonstrate
how education for peasants has worked in
a funnel format (less than 40% of the
students who start elementary school finish
high school). The data show us that young
peasants are the ones who face the most
difficulty in accessing and staying in
school, with only 31.9% of them
completing high school (Brazil, 2011).
A second issue that draws our
attention is related to the wide scope of the
goal and the generality of the strategies.
With goal eight containing such a
significant range of groups vulnerable to
the right to education (rural, black, and
poor populations), specific strategies for
each population group could be more
effective in meeting the goal. However, the
six strategies have as their central focus
youth and adult education in a generalized
way for all groups indistinctly, thus
compromising the guarantee of recognition
of the diversity and specificity of each
contemplated group.
Also, in relation to the strategies of
goal eight, it is worth noting that, of the
groups contemplated, the rural population
is the one that has the fewest years of
study, and therefore would require greater
political, financial, and pedagogical
investment to meet the objectives to be
achieved. In 2014, the Observatório PNE
(PNE Observatory) presented data from
IBGE/PNAD that already showed changes
in relation to the 2010 census, however, the
countryside population remained behind
the other contemplated groups, with the
lowest years of schooling. In 2020, the
sixth year of PNE implementation, the
field continues to lag in this indicator, as
shown in Table 3.
Table
3 Average years of schooling.
Schooling -
national average
Populations targeted by the goal eight of the PNE
9.8 years
Countryside
Black
25% poorer
Region with the
lowest level
schooling
(Northeast)
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2014
2014
2014
2014
8.2 years
9.5 years
8.3 years
9.1 years
2020
2020
2020
2020
10 years
11.1 years
10.2 years
12 years
Goal for 2014
Goal for 2014
Goal for 2014
Goal for 2014
12 years
12 years
12 years
12 years
Source: IBGE/PNAD/Observatório do PNE (2014/2020). Own elaboration, 2020.
Despite the relevance of goal eight
for the education of young people and
adults, its effectiveness in terms of
changing the educational reality of the
countryside population may be
compromised by the lack of specificity in
terms of implementation, seeing that one of
the strategies adopted by the municipal and
state education systems has been the
closing of countryside schools and
transporting their students to other
communities or to the headquarters of
municipalities, a factor that causes
dropouts and/or delays in the entry of
children into school, especially in early
childhood education. Our goal, however, is
to contribute to the identification of
indicators for countryside education,
understanding, like Leal and Reali (2015),
that they can base analysis of policies and
favor the development of contextualized
actions, in this case the increase in
schooling of young people and adults
living in the countryside.
Educational indicators and
characteristics of countryside schools
Among the most important
educational indicators used today in Brazil,
we highlight the Índice de
Desenvolvimento da Educação Básica
(Ideb) (Basic Education Development
Index), created in 2007 by the Instituto
Nacional de Estudos e Pesquisas
Educacionais Anísio Teixeira (INEP)
(Anísio Teixeira National Institute for
Educational Studies and Research), as
previously mentioned. Calculated through
relations between the flow index raised by
the Censo Escolar (School Census) and the
performance averages in assessments
applied by Inep, such as Prova Brasil
(Brazil Exam) for schools and
municipalities, and the exam held every
two years by the Sistema de Avaliação da
Educação Básica (SAEB) (System for
Evaluation of Basic Education) for the
states and the country, to the Ideb it is
given the perspective of presenting
concrete data for monitoring the quality of
Education, from which society can
mobilize to establish goals and aim for
improvements for the education systems
(IDEB, 2016).
The school flow indicators measure
the student promotion, school retention and
school dropout, while the standardized
exams are applied by the Inep at the end of
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the stages corresponding to the 4th and 9th
years of elementary school and 3rd year of
high school. The Ideb thus adopts the idea
that an educational system that
systematically fails its students, causing a
large part of them to leave school before
completing basic education, is not
desirable ... (Fernandes, 2007, p. 7, our
translation
xviii
), even if those approved do
not achieve high scores on standardized
exams when finishing the highlighted
stages. In addition to being easy to
understand and calculate, the Ideb has the
advantage of making explicit this
exchange rate between approval and
school performance, that is, it shows how
education systems are willing to obtain
increases in their approval ratings despite
the loss of points on standardized exams.
The proposal of the PNE's goal eight,
of raising the average schooling levels of
the population aged 18 to 29 years living in
the countryside to at least 12 years of study
by 2024, adopts as its first strategy “to
institutionalize programs and develop
technologies for flow correction, for
individualized pedagogical monitoring and
for recovery and partial progression, as
well as prioritize students with lagging
school performance... (Brazil, 2014a, p.
67, our translation
xix
).
The statement of this goal and its
strategy are explicit in relation to the flow
indicator associated with promotion,
school retention and dropout of
countryside students, as well as are tacit in
their affinity with the scores obtained in
standardized exams, when they prioritize
students who have school performance
deficits. Hence, the link between goal eight
and the Ideb is clearly formulated in the
PNE, which could not be otherwise, since
this indicator is a central point in the
semantic basis of the formulation of public
policies for Basic Education. Created in
2007, the Ideb stemmed from a
government policy called the Plano de
Desenvolvimento da Educação (PDE)
(Education Development Plan), which
established a systemic planning with a
view to the data on the poor quality of
education in Brazil, shown by comparisons
with other countries then disclosed, so that
it would be possible, from more solid
foundations, to direct investments and
improve the management of resources by
public agents.
The PDE represented a path to
promote the desired improvement in school
quality without social purges, but this was
only possible because its main indicator,
the IDEB, definitively incorporated the
idea that school inclusion is a policy that
cannot be abandoned (Marchelli, 2010, p.
582, our translation
xx
). More than a
statistical indicator, the Ideb presents itself
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as the priority driver of public policies for
the improvement of the quality of
education at the national level, in states,
municipalities, and schools, because its
composition enables the updated diagnosis
of the educational situation in all these
spheres, as well as the projection of
intermediate individual goals to be
achieved (IDEB, 2020).
In this sense, the Ideb is the main
indicator of the quality of education,
however, only 20% of countryside schools
have it (Souza, Paludo & Beltrame, 2015,
p. 10). Another important indicator is the
accelerated process of closing the
countryside schools. Cancian (2014) points
out that in 13 years 32.5 thousand schools
were closed in rural areas. The
phenomenon results from several factors
caused by the abrupt transformations in
society and in the world of work. A survey
conducted by the Departamento
Intersindical de Estatística e Estudos
Socioeconômicos DIEESE (Inter-Union
Department of Statistics and
Socioeconomic Studies) (2014) on the
wage labor market in rural areas points out
some of the factors of population shrinkage
in the Brazilian countryside:
"a) greater industrial
concentration in urban areas
(increased demand for labor); b)
changes in the productive process
in agriculture (opening of
agricultural borders, availability
of credit, productive
specialization of the agricultural
process, etc.); c) fragility of the
supply of goods and services by
the State in the rural environment
(health, education, leisure,
transportation, etc.); d) scarcity,
hardship and precariousness of
work in the rural environment
(which still persists, despite major
technological changes and legal
norms and instruments); e)
increase in the technological level
of rural activities; f) decrease in
fertility rates, which significantly
reduced population replacement;
g) increased concentration of land
ownership, due to the absence of a
national policy of agrarian
reform" (DIEESE, 2014, p. 3-4,
our translation
xxi
).
The concerns about the decrease in
the number of schools and the sharp drop
in school enrollment in rural areas were the
subject of regulation by the Federal
Government. The problem received a
political counterpart through Law no.
12.960, of March 27th, 2014 which
amended the Lei de Diretrizes e Bases da
Educação Nacional (LDB) (Law of
Guidelines and Bases of National
Education), in order to establish normative
rules for the education system regarding
the closing of countryside, indigenous, and
quilombola schools, requiring studies and
prior community consultation (Brazil,
2014b). Table 4 below shows changes in
the number of urban and countryside
schools in 21 years.
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Table 4 Number of Schools Basic Education.
Year
Urban
Rural
Total
1997
87,921
137,599
225,520
2018
124,330
57,609
181,939
Difference
+ 36,409
79.990
43.581
Source: Inep: Censo Escolar (1997-2013). Own elaboration, 2020.
The effects of the closing of
countryside schools have been
accompanied by the idea of nucleation,
which proposes that several smaller
schools be united into a single pole-
school, larger than the first ones and still
located in the rural area. Even so, in many
cases, the absence of a nearby pole-
school forces students to travel long
distances daily to the nearest school.
Vulnerable to the economic circumstances
that permeate social relations and to the
political difficulties of the public sector to
fight its effects, countryside schools
experience great difficulties. Graph 1
presents data on the evolution in the
number of enrollments in basic education
during the years the PNE was in effect.
Graph 1 Number of basic education enrollments, according to school
location.
Source: Inep: Censo Escolar (2015-2019). Own elaboration, 2020.
Despite the observatory pointing out
the achievement of goal eight in terms of
raising the number of years of schooling of
the population living in the countryside,
the enrollment in countryside schools
shows a decrease in the five years of
implementation of the PNE, according to
the data presented in graph 1.
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In five years of the PNE, there was a
loss of almost 500 thousand enrollments in
basic education in countryside schools,
when, a priori, there should have been an
increase to ensure the fulfillment of goal
eight. Researches conducted in different
states and regions confirms the census data
through the number of schools closed. In
the North Region, for example, in the state
of Pará alone, 6,158 countryside schools
were closed in the period between 2000
and 2018 (Hage & Corrêa, 2019). In a
similar period, the state of Goiás, in the
Midwest, closed 1,249 schools, according
to research conducted by Alves (2019).
Sergipe, the smallest state in the Northeast,
maintains the process of closing
countryside schools at a steady pace,
according to data in Chart 2.
Graph 2 Number of closed countryside schools in the State of Sergipe.
Source: Relatório do Diagnóstico da Educação do Campo em Sergipe/EDUCAMPO 2021. Own elaboration,
2020.
Data from the Censo Escolar 2019
(2019 School Census) have pointed, in
Sergipe, in addition to the continuous
closing of rural schools, a reduction in the
offer of school enrollment vacancies in the
state network, as well as the transfer of
state schools to municipalities in the
lending regime. In graph 3, it is possible to
verify that, even in a fall, the largest
volume of enrollments is in the municipal
sphere, with more than 90%.
Graph 3 Number of enrollments in Elementary School in Countryside Schools in the state of Sergipe.
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Source: Inep/Censo Escolar (2015-2019). Own elaboration, 2020.
The State's virtual unaccountability
for the provision of Countryside Education
can compromise the fulfillment of goal
eight of the PNE. Another significant
aspect is the low performance of
countryside schools in the Ideb, whose
value is approximately 50% lower than
that registered by urban schools.
Before the implementation of the
PNE, the state of Sergipe did not reach the
goal estimated in Ideb in all basic
education for the year 2013. The most
serious situation was in the final years of
elementary school, which obtained 2.8,
when the expected goal was 3.6, and high
school, with 2.8, while the forecast was 3.4
(IDEB, 2013).
After the implementation of the PNE,
the situation of countryside schools in
Sergipe has shown significant changes in
the evaluation of the Ideb. Currently, all
state high schools are included in the IDEB
database, whereas this has not always been
the case. In 2017, of the 24 schools in the
state network, 10 had no information
regarding the achievement or not of goals
in the Ideb, and 1 was not even registered.
In the following IDEB (2019), 18 schools
met the expected goals, 3 did not meet
them, and 3 still had no information about
them (IDEB, 2020). These data confirm
what has been previously stated about the
potential of the Ideb as an indicator for
monitoring the fulfillment of goal eight of
the PNE, although it is still insufficient,
because it does not present data such as the
reduction of enrollments, closing of
schools, and increase in the years of
schooling of young people. This allows us
to recall the contributions of Alavarse et al.
(2013), in the sense that the increase in the
performance of schools in Ideb is an
important part of the verification of the
achievement of the PNE’s goal eight, but it
is not all there is to the goal’s fulfillment.
Another indicator that might points
to the fulfillment or not of goal eight
concerns school closings. The shrinking of
the countryside population caused by the
expansion of the mechanization of
3.963
2772
80.853
71.757
870
870
0
50.000
100.000
2015
2019
Number of enrollments in Elementary School in Field Schools
in the state of Sergipe
Estadual
Municipal
Privada
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agriculture, and the consequent loss of
traditional jobs, has entailed the closing of
schools whose number of students is
reduced, so that the adoption of the
nucleation system through pole-schools
imposes on the municipal secretariats and
state education networks complex transport
operations for the displacement of
students. Even though the occurrence of a
good performance of schools in the Ideb
indicates an increase in the quality of
education, the closing of these schools
reduces the possibility of more young
people being able to increase their
schooling, thus compromising the
achievement of the goal eight of the PNE.
Finally, the reduction in enrollments
in countryside schools is also an indicator
that points to the difficulty in raising the
schooling level of young peasants,
exacerbating the educational inequalities
that are already well consolidated in
relation to the guarantee of the right to
education for the countryside population.
Final remarks
Countryside Education is a recent
area of debate and discussion in the
Brazilian scenario, and it is under
permanent construction, both in its
statements and in its own concepts
(Caldart, 2012). The countryside presents a
large volume of problems whose
assessment and analysis
through educational indicators is extremely
necessary. In this article, we intended to
identify indicators for countryside
education considering the fulfillment of
goal eight of the PNE, proposing to present
an analytical tool in order to understand the
objective conditions for the achievement of
that goal regarding the Countryside
Education.
The development of the research
showed three indicators that directly
interfere in the achievement of the goal:
persistence of low schooling of the
countryside population, reduction in the
number of school enrollments and
reduction in the number of schools in the
rural areas. It also showed some difficulties
in using the main instrument for evaluating
basic education, the Ideb, as a resource for
monitoring compliance with the goal.
Regarding low schooling, some
actions aimed at increasing it in the
countryside population have been
undertaken in the last decade, such as the
improvement of school transport, now
working in three shifts in a partnership
between states and municipalities, thus
ensuring, to young peasants, the possibility
of continuing to study even when the local
school does not cover all basic education.
It is also worth mentioning the
implementation of actions, even if
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punctual, such as the expansion of Preuni
Seduc
xxii
, which increased the possibilities
of access to higher education for more
young people and adults, among others
policies. However, the unequal educational
condition between young people living in
rural areas and those living in urban areas
persists. It was also found that the young
peasants are in the most disadvantaged
situation compared to the other groups
highlighted in goal eight, namely the black
population and the 25% poorest.
Concerning the drastic decrease in
school enrollment and the consequent
reduction in the number of schools,
research has shown that there are a set of
structural factors that include from
transformations in the relationship between
capital and labor produced in the
countryside, to the operational difficulties
of state and municipal education networks,
which have been causing this reduction in
the supply of education for the peasant
population. In this sense, analyses of
compliance with of goal eight that
disregard these two indicators should/can
be problematized.
As for the Ideb, the research showed
that its use for the evaluation of
countryside schools has not been much
productive due to the operational
difficulties of the educational system in
raising the necessary information for its
composition. Many countryside schools do
not participate in the Ideb, because they do
not meet one of defining criteria for this
participation the number of students in
the school. Consequently, the lack of
information compromises the use of the
instrument both for the analysis of
Countryside Education, and for the
fulfillment of goal eight of the PNE.
Despite this, the investigation identified
that in Sergipe some schools were included
in the last two results of the Ideb (2017-
2019), with even an increase in the number
of those that reached the expected goals, a
factor that favorably identifies Ideb as the
most relevant instrument in monitoring the
goals of the PNE.
The results presented here point to
indicators capable of measuring the
achievement of goal eight, thus reaching
our main objective. They also indicate the
need for attention, since the fulfillment of
this goal with regard to increasing the
schooling of young peasants may not mean
advances in guaranteeing the right to high-
quality education, but probably a reduction
in its supply and quality. These results can
guide municipalities and states to intensify
actions and correct strategies related to
educational policies aimed at villages,
settlements, quilombola communities,
among others, in order to change the
reality exposed here.
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i
On the original text: “Meta 8: elevar a
escolaridade média da população de 18 (dezoito) a
29 (vinte e nove) anos, de modo a alcançar, no
mínimo, 12 (doze) anos de estudo no último ano de
vigência deste Plano, para as populações do campo,
da região de menor escolaridade no País e dos 25%
(vinte e cinco por cento) mais pobres, e igualar a
escolaridade média entre negros e não negros
declarados à Fundação Instituto Brasileiro de
Geografia e Estatística IBGE”.
ii
On the original text: “entretanto, apenas a meta
oito da Educação de Jovens e Adultos (EJA) faz
referência à Educação do Campo, especificamente,
ao estabelecer elevação da escolaridade dos jovens
e adultos camponeses”.
iii
On the original text: "A educação assume uma
função retificadora visando preparar as populações
rurais para adaptarem-se ao processo de
subordinação ao modo de produção capitalista, que
assume contornos mais definidos, combinando a
expulsão da terra com a formação de mão de obra
para as indústrias nascentes".
iv
On the original text: “introdução de tecnologias e
inovações à produção agrícola”.
v
On the original text: “nessa ótica, os cultivos de
subsistência de grande parcela da população são
destruídos para dar lugar a produção rentável”.
vi
On the original text: "O trabalhador do campo é
percebido como desnutrido (carente de alimentos),
ignorante (carente de informações), doente (carente
de saúde), isolado (carente de contatos com o
exterior), anômico (carente de laços sociais e
conscientes), ou avesso à solidariedade social".
vii
On the original text: "Além das disciplinas do
ensino regular, outras compunham os programas
dos cursos, como: formação moral e vica, higiene
e enfermagem, culinária, recreação e canto,
formação, agricultura para o campo e agricultura
para sala de aula".
viii
On the original text: O rurícola, dado o seu
isolamento, é um homem deformado. Ele vive
esquecido, até de si mesmo, e num conformismo
doentio se deixa arrastar, vida à-fora, cortando
metade da existência pela ignorância que lhe
aumenta a fome e mina-lhe o organismo com
moléstias de carência. [...] A sua moral se
fundamenta na promiscuidade familiar, que até lhe
nega os sentimentos da pessoa humana. Sua vida
espiritual é presa a crendices populares e sua escola
é a mesmice, repetida de gerações a gerações.
ix
On the original text: "Essa caracterização abstrata
da realidade do camponês, ou melhor, definida a
partir de interesses externos que antecipam os
resultados esperados da educação rural que se irá
oferecer, tem produzido tantos malefícios às
populações rurais quanto o imobilismo do Estado
com referência à oferta de políticas sociais em
resposta às demandas dos agricultores".
x
On the original: “a educação para a população do
campo é abordada com base em um currículo
substancialmente voltado para o urbano.
Consequentemente, distante das particularidades,
das necessidades e da realidade do campo”.
xi
On the original text: “a escola do meio rural é
uma escola que estando lá, está fora dali”
xii
On the original text: “São milhões de crianças
que, na escola, veem seu mundo ocultado, seja
através do que consta nos livros didáticos, seja
através dos conteúdos que são trabalhados na sala
de aula, conteúdo da cidade”.
xiii
On the original text: “portanto, não quer
significar o perfil do solo em que o agricultor
trabalha, mas o projeto histórico de sociedade e de
educação que vem sendo forjado nos e pelos
movimentos campesinos”.
xiv
On the original text: "projeta futuro quando
recupera o vínculo essencial entre formação
humana e produção material da existência, quando
concebe a intencionalidade educativa na direção de
novos padrões de relações sociais, pelos vínculos
com novas formas de produção, com o trabalho
associado livre, com outros valores, compromissos
políticos, com lutas sociais que enfrentam as
contradições envolvidas nesse processo".
xv
The licenciatura is a professional degree that
allows one to be a teacher in basic and secondary
education.
xvi
On the original text: “As escolas do campo são
as que estão em piores condições de infraestrutura
para receber estudantes pelo Censo Escolar de
2009, quase 20% não possuem energia elétrica.
Está na faixa de 90% a quantidade de escolas sem
biblioteca e laboratório de informática. Menos de
1% dos estabelecimentos de ensino no campo estão
equipados com laboratórios de ciências”.
xvii
On the original text: “à redução das
desigualdades e à valorização da diversidade”.
xviii
On the original text: “um sistema educacional
que reprova sistematicamente seus estudantes,
Santos, M. (2021). Educação do Campo: alguns indicadores...
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v. 6
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ISSN: 2525-4863
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fazendo que grande parte deles abandone a escola
antes de completar a educação básica, não é
desejável ...”.
xix
On the original text: “institucionalizar programas
e desenvolver tecnologias para correção de fluxo,
para acompanhamento pedagógico individualizado
e para recuperação e progressão parcial, bem como
priorizar estudantes com rendimento escolar
defasado...”.
xx
On the original text: “um caminho para promover
a desejada melhoria da qualidade na escola sem
expurgos sociais, mas isso foi possível porque
seu principal indicador, o IDEB, incorporou
definitivamente a ideia de que a inclusão escolar é
uma política que não pode ser abandonada”.
xxi
On the original text: “a) maior concentração
industrial nas áreas urbanas (aumento da demanda
de mão de obra); b) mudanças no processo
produtivo na agricultura (abertura de fronteiras
agrícolas, disponibilidade de crédito, especialização
produtiva do processo agrícola etc.); c) fragilidade
da oferta de bens e serviços pelo Estado no meio
rural (saúde, educação, lazer, transporte etc.); d)
escassez, penosidade e precariedade do trabalho no
meio rural (que ainda persiste, apesar das grandes
transformações tecnológicas e de normas e
instrumentos legais); e) incremento do nível
tecnológico das atividades rurais; f) diminuição de
taxas de fecundidade, que reduziu sensivelmente a
reposição da população; g) elevação da
concentração da propriedade da terra, pela ausência
de política nacional de reforma agrária” (DIEESE,
2014, p. 3-4).
xxii
Preuni Seduc is a Pre-University Program of the
*<en>Secretaria de Estado da Educação, do Esporte
e da Cultura de Sergipe</en> (Sergipe's Secretary
of State for Education, Sports, and Culture), which
aims to prepare young people and adults who have
already finished high school for the *<en>Exame
Nacional do Ensino Médio</en> ENEM
(National High School Exam).
Article Information
Received on October 20th, 2020
Accepted on April 09th, 2021
Published on August, 07th, 2021
Author Contributions: The author was responsible for the
designing, delineating, analyzing and interpreting the data,
production of the manuscript, critical revision of the content
and approval of the final version published.
Conflict of Interest: None reported.
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Funding
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How to cite this article
APA
Santos, M. (2021). Educação do Campo: alguns
indicadores. Rev. Bras. Educ. Camp., 6, e10791.
http://dx.doi.org/10.20873/uft.rbec.e10791
ABNT
SANTOS, M. Educação do Campo: alguns indicadores.
Rev. Bras. Educ. Camp., Tocantinópolis, v. 6, e10791,
2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.20873/uft.rbec.e10791