Revista Brasileira de Educação do Campo
The Brazilian Scientific Journal of Rural Education
ARTIGO/ARTICLE/ARTÍCULO
DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.20873/uft.2525-4863.2018v3n3p937
Tocantinópolis
v. 3
n. 3
p. 937-948
sep./dec.
2018
ISSN: 2525-4863
937
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Who Sits at the Table? A female farm activist’s experience
during the De Doorns farm workers strike, South Africa
Kara Grace Mackay
1
1
University of Pretoria. Department of Education, Management and Policy Studies, Faculty of Education. Cnr Lynnwood Road
and Roper Street Hatfield. South Africa
Author for correspondence: karakie@gmail.com
ABSTRACT. This journal article tells the story of a female
farm activist and a leader in the De Doorns 2012/2013 farm
workers’ strike
i
. In this small agricultural town in the Western
Cape, South Africa, workers downed tools, disrupting the
harvest of export grapes and demanded a minimum wage of
R150 per day.
ii
Ethnographic data – interviews, participant
observation and archival documents – is used to document the
female farm worker’s journey into activism, her evolution and
new consciousness of self through political work and
participating in the strike. Rancière’s (1999) theory of the
presumption of equality is used to understand the gains made
and losses incurred by the farm workers during and after the
strike.
Keywords: Farm Workers, Farmwomen, South Africa, De
Doorns, Activism, Popular Education and Presumption of
Equality.
Mackay, K. G. (2018). Who Sits at the Table? A female farm activist’s experience during the De Doorns farm workers strike, South
Africa…
Tocantinópolis
v. 3
n. 3
p. 937-948
sep./dec.
2018
ISSN: 2525-4863
938
Quem se senta à mesa? A experiência de uma ativista
agrícola feminina durante a greve de trabalhadores rurais
De Doorns, na África do Sul
RESUMO. Este artigo conta a história de uma ativista agrícola
e uma líder da greve dos fazendeiros De Doorns no período de
2012 a 2013. Nessa pequena cidade agrícola no Cabo Ocidental,
na África do Sul, trabalhadores abatiam ferramentas na colheita
de uvas e impediam a sua exportação, junto com vinhos, e
exigiam um salário mínimo de R150 por dia. Nesse estudo,
dados etnográficos - entrevistas, observação participante e
documentos de arquivo - são usados para documentar a jornada
de uma trabalhadora feminina e ativista, a sua evolução e
consciência de si através do trabalho político e como
participante da greve. A teoria de Rancière (1999) sobre a
“presunção de igualdade” é usada para entender os ganhos e
perdas ocorridos dos trabalhadores agrícolas durante e após essa
greve.
Palavras-chave: Trabalhadores Agrícolas, Agricultoras, África
do Sul, De Doorns, Ativismo, Educação Popular e Presunção de
Igualdade.
Mackay, K. G. (2018). Who Sits at the Table? A female farm activist’s experience during the De Doorns farm workers strike, South
Africa…
Tocantinópolis
v. 3
n. 3
p. 937-948
sep./dec.
2018
ISSN: 2525-4863
939
¿Quién se sienta en la mesa? La experiencia de una
activista agrícola durante la huelga de trabajadores
agrícolas de De Doorns, Sudáfrica.
RESUMEN. Este artículo cuenta la historia de una activista
agrícola y una líder de la huelga de los granjeros De Doorns en
el período de 2012 a 2013. En esa pequeña ciudad agrícola en el
Cabo Occidental, en Sudáfrica, trabajadores abatían
herramientas en la cosecha de uvas e impedían su exportación,
junto con vinos, y exigían un salario mínimo de R150 por día.
En este estudio, datos etnográficos - entrevistas, observación
participante y documentos de archivo - son usados para
documentar la jornada de una trabajadora femenina y activista,
su evolución y conciencia de sí a través del trabajo político y
como participante de la huelga. La teoría de Rancière (1999)
sobre la "presunción de igualdad" se utiliza para entender las
ganancias y pérdidas ocurridas de los trabajadores agrícolas
durante y después de esa huelga.
Palabras clave: Trabajadoras Agrícolas, Agricultoras,
Sudáfrica, De Doorns, Activismo, Educación Popular y
Presunción de Igualdad.
Mackay, K. G. (2018). Who Sits at the Table? A female farm activist’s experience during the De Doorns farm workers strike, South
Africa…
Tocantinópolis
v. 3
n. 3
p. 937-948
sep./dec.
2018
ISSN: 2525-4863
940
Introduction
It is 4am in the summer of 2012.
Activist 1 takes a deep breath, exhales, and
as loudly as she can, blows her whistle.
She is a woman in her early 50s who looks
younger than her years, but all the same,
the wrinkles on her face are deeply etched
into her tanned skin. Forty years of hard
labour on farms have burnt her skin a deep
olive and although she has become
physically strong, the years have also taken
their toll on her body. One of her knees is
damaged from farm work and she has had
an operation on one hand – the result of
years of washing laundry by hand. As
always, she is colourfully and
immaculately dressed, with her trademark
head wrap creatively put together. Her
brown skin, strong physique and head wrap
give her a regal air.
We find her in De Doorns, a small
agricultural town that is a pivotal node for
export table grape and wine production in
the Western Cape, South Africa. It is not
uncommon for her to be awake at this time
of the morning. To beat the blazing sun,
farm work starts early. Ordinarily she
would be readying herself for a day of
labour – either in the vineyards or in a
packing factory. This harvest season,
however, everything is different as the
farm workers of De Doorns have
collectively decided to embark on strike
action. With the memory of the
Marikana
iii
miners and their call for a
living wage of R12 500 still fresh in their
minds, farm workers argued that the
minimum legislated wage of R69 per day
was not enough to live on and raise a
family. Instead they demanded a minimum
daily wage of R150 (Andrews, 2014 and
Kleinbooi, 2013).
What began as a simple wage dispute
soon revealed deep tensions between the
boers
iv
and farm workers on commercial
farms in South Africa. As the vineyards of
the Western Cape burnt, a deep-seated
anger tied to the history of slavery,
colonisation and apartheid surfaced
(Andrews, 2014 and Kleinbooi, 2013).
In South Africa, farm workers have
experienced: a reduction in employment
opportunities, an increase in the
casualisation of labour (Greenberg, 2010)
and insecure land tenure and insecurity
(Bernstein, 2013). Wegerif, Russell and
Grundling (2005) found that between 1984
and 2004 almost 1.7 million people were
evicted from farms. There is also
substantial evidence that the South African
government has failed to enforce, monitor
and implement policies on farms and this
has produced a culture of non-compliance
with policy and/or regulations (Human
Mackay, K. G. (2018). Who Sits at the Table? A female farm activist’s experience during the De Doorns farm workers strike, South
Africa…
Tocantinópolis
v. 3
n. 3
p. 937-948
sep./dec.
2018
ISSN: 2525-4863
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Rights Watch [HRW], 2011 and
Greenberg, 2010).
On these farms, women experience
these social injustices more acutely. They
bear the brunt of the casualisation of labour
(Greenberg, 2010), experience pay
discrimination and often have no
independent right to tenure or housing
(Kehler, 2001 and HRW, 2011). This
dependence makes women especially
vulnerable to evictions, unfair labour
practices and domestic violence
(Shabodien, 2006 and HRW, 2011).
In De Doorns Activist 1, stands at the
centre of the strike, at its place of origin,
blowing her whistle to signal to her fellow
workers that she is up and ready for
another day of action. Little by little she
begins to hear whistles reply. They start
out slowly and gradually mount into a
cacophony. From this response she knows
that her compañeros stand in solidarity
with her and that another day of rebellion
in De Doorns has begun.
Her journey into activism
Activist 1 is the fifth of 16 children.
In Grade 5 her father was imprisoned,
leaving her mother and her with the
financial responsibility of sustaining the
family. She left school to help her mother
in the kitchen and began her career as a
farm worker working in the vineyards. At
the age of 15 her mother “rented” her out
as a domestic servant to the boer’s sister in
a town near Cape Town. She was lonely,
the work was hard, and she never saw her
wages as they were paid directly to her
mother.
At the age of 17, she packed up and
returned to the farm. When she turned 20
she lost her first child who was only 11
months old. After this she again left the
farm to work as a domestic worker in Cape
Town. Her new employer moved to
Namibia and she relocated with her. There
she met and married her husband and
started her family.
It was in Namibia that Activist 1
began to see herself as an activist. During
that country’s first election in 1990 she
assisted in recruitment and canvassing
votes for Namibia’s liberation party, the
South West African People’s Organisation
(SWAPO).
Her involvement in Namibia
prepared her for her political contribution
in South Africa’s first democratic election
in 1994. When she returned to South
Africa, she joined the African National
Congress (ANC) and began spreading the
message about the vote on farms.
Fast forward to 2007, when she joins
a grassroots organisation, which the study
calls FFO
v
. This organisation uses Paulo
Mackay, K. G. (2018). Who Sits at the Table? A female farm activist’s experience during the De Doorns farm workers strike, South
Africa…
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2018
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Freire’s (2005) popular education theory to
create multi-skilled, community-centred
female farm activists who can confidently
respond to injustices on farms. Through
her extensive casework she has achieved
important victories such as stopping
evictions; addressing labour rights
violations or simply helping women to end
their abuse in violent marriages.
The work she does on farms is not
without consequence as she is often
singled out as a “trouble-maker”:
“They (the boers) do not like you to
be clever and know your rights.
When you open your mouth, they call
you an instigator. So, I suffered
hardships on the farms because I
refused to keep quiet…But I don’t
care because I know my rights.”
Her continuous training and
community casework on farms have
prepared her for the most heightened
expression of her activism – her
participation in the De Doorns farm
workers’ strike of 2012/2013. As a leader
inside of the strike, she provides the
narrative from the grassroots.
The De Doorns Strike (2012/2013)
When Activist 1 talks of the strike,
her face lights up, she shifts her weight in
her chair; straightens her spine and
becomes noticeably excited. She owns the
strike. She calls it “our strike, us farm
workers.”
The idea of a strike came when farm
workers working on a farm in De Doorns
had independently negotiated an
unprecedented wage rate of R150 per day.
This new wage rate sent ripples throughout
De Doorns:
“When I heard that, we said ’Lord,
for a long time we have struggled
with the R69… Then we also wanted
R150.”
Activist 1 and other workers then
planned a farm workers’ strike. At the
centre of this organisation was a group of
FFO women called “The De Doorns Big
Five”, of which Activist 1 was a member.
In addition to the women, two men were
also included in this group. Together they
held meetings, discussed issues and sent
out mass text messages:
“There was no forum; there was
nothing. We just decided we were
going to rise up and make our
demands.”
The workers had a list of 10
demands, which included an end to:
Assaults of farm workers by boers;
Farm evictions of farm dwellers
(especially older farm dwellers);
Mackay, K. G. (2018). Who Sits at the Table? A female farm activist’s experience during the De Doorns farm workers strike, South
Africa…
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2018
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Rent payment by children over the
age of 18, living with their families, but
not working on the farms;
Rent payments for farm homes and
High electricity costs
The strike began with the arrest of
teenagers who took part in a protest march
at the end of October 2012. The teenagers
were set to appear before the court and on
the day of their appearance the workers
downed tools and instead congregated in
front of the court to demand their
immediate release.
When the police arrived at the scene,
they wanted to speak to the farm worker’s
leaders. The crowd said that they were all
leaders, but the police randomly selected
people who they recognised. This group
became the farm worker’s strike
committee, of which Activist 1 was part.
The police-elected males on the committee
dominated the proceedings and she had to
fight for her voice to be heard:
“The men wanted to take over
(dominate). FFO staff pushed us and
told us, ‘Don’t you allow the men to
take over the issue, because you
started this.”
The divergent demands of the strike
were being facilitated through a
commission and there were different
parties around the same table – organised
labour, farmer associations, different arms
of government and the farm worker’s
strike committee. In these forums, Activist
1 again experienced attempts to stifle her
voice. In one session, the farmer’s
association refused to accept the farm
worker’s demands, as they were hand
written. In another session she
remembered a comment made by the
farmer’s associations:
“We then sat and talked around the
table. Then the boers said that they
could not talk to such low-class
people. Those were their exact
words. They wanted to speak to
provincial people. We, the workers,
were too low-class to talk to them.”
The insistence of the farmer’s
associations to only consult with provincial
and national structures had huge
implications for the strike. As farm
workers’ structures were typically local in
nature, the strike committee was by default
excluded and organised labour, in the form
of unions, then represented the interests of
the farm workers. The venues also shifted
from Cape Town to Johannesburg, some
1400 kilometers away, and the members of
the strike committee could not afford the
airfares to attend these meeting. She
pinpointed this as the moment when the
farm workers lost access to the
negotiations. The final agreed wage rate of
R105/day was not made in consultation
with the workers and was accepted by
Mackay, K. G. (2018). Who Sits at the Table? A female farm activist’s experience during the De Doorns farm workers strike, South
Africa…
Tocantinópolis
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n. 3
p. 937-948
sep./dec.
2018
ISSN: 2525-4863
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union representatives on their behalf.
Because of their lack of resources and
money, the farm workers, who began the
strike, became passive observers to the
final negotiations.
The irony was that she and many
other farm workers made great sacrifices
during the strike. They sacrificed their
wages and went hungry during this period.
Police used rubber bullets and live
ammunition on protesters and three people
were killed. Some strikers sustained
permanent injuries. Women’s homes were
searched and ransacked and Activist 1 was
on the run during the strike period. There
were times when the leaders of the strike
would go to bed having eaten nothing but
ice lollies for the day.
Although a 52 per cent increase in
their wages is a victory, Activist 1 remains
disappointed in the final outcomes of the
strike. In addition, farm workers face new
challenges in the aftermath of the strike.
The boers have responded by restructuring
their cost structures. They now pay per
hour and not per day, lunch breaks are
deducted from their wages and deductions
such as rent, water and electricity are made
from salaries. There has also been a
reduction in benefits such as: transport to
and from farms or financial contributions
for doctors’ services. The use of private
security and electric gates have also
reduced access to farms. Kleinbooi (2013,
p. 4) views these as unilateral changes to
the basic conditions of farm work
employment that has left farm workers “no
better off than before.”
It is this disillusionment and
suffering after the strike that makes the
farm workers wary of being part of another
strike. Her deep disappointment and anger
are directed at government and unions
alike:
“I blame the government officials
the most because they have the
greatest power because most of
government’s people are farmers.
That is why we did not achieve what
we had set out to achieve…
The government also works against
us. Everybody is against those who
suffer the most and who are the most
vulnerable. Everybody is against us
– they work hand in hand with the
boers. The government is not on our
side; that is what it is – they do not
work in the interests of the poorest of
the poor.”
The Contribution of the Case
Activist 1 has always been political,
but the strike tested her. After years of
education at FFO she used all the skills and
tools that she developed to participate in
the strike. She organised workshops and
meetings and together with other FFO
activists, created an informal movement of
workers that gave rise to the strike. She
also used her creativity and incorporated
Mackay, K. G. (2018). Who Sits at the Table? A female farm activist’s experience during the De Doorns farm workers strike, South
Africa…
Tocantinópolis
v. 3
n. 3
p. 937-948
sep./dec.
2018
ISSN: 2525-4863
945
art into her struggle armour. She led the
workers through dance, song and with her
whistle. This experience gave her the
courage to insist upon the right to be heard
in the formal negotiation structures. Here
the theory of Rancière (1999) is
instrumental.
Rancière’s (1999) argues that
through the power of speech, all human
beings possess similar abilities and
intelligence; what he has calls “the equality
of any speaking being with any other
speaking being” (Rancière, 1999, p. 30).
This right to speak, however, is tightly
enforced by what Rancière (1999, p. 28)
calls the “police.” These are all the
institutions of society that regulate the
order of domination. They control the
location of different bodies, the meaning
that can be given to speech and in so
doing, regulate what different bodies can
do, say and be.
For him “politics” occurs when there
is a disruption to this police order of
domination (Rancière, 1999, p. 32).
Politics is any action that makes visible
what is meant to be unseen or makes
meaning and logic from a speech that is
supposed to be considered noise or
inconsequential. He argues that the
presumption of equality to those who
possess power is a radical act as it disrupts
the natural order of domination.
Prominent in Activist 1’s experience
in the strike is the attempt to stifle her
voice – the men in the strike committee,
farmer’s associations, government and
organised unions. Using Ranciere’s (1999)
framework these institutions can be seen
therefore as the police because they
regulate the narrative of the strike, who can
participate and what demands are deemed
consequential.
Despite the actions of the police,
Activist 1 insists on her right to participate
and for her voice to be heard. Her logic is
simple – she is a farm worker, she has been
involved in the strike since its inception,
she is on the ground and is the closest to
the farm workers’ demands.
Activist 1’s actions (and those of the
De Doorns farm workers) are therefore
examples of what Rancière (1999) refers to
as politics. She uses her mouth to blow her
whistle, her feet and hands to mobilise and
organise the strike, her critical logic to
insist upon being seriously considered in
the strike committee and in the
commissioned forum. Despite being called
low class she knows she has a right to be
there. Activist 1 therefore uses her entire
body to perform politics.
In presuming their equality to those
who possess power, the De Doorns farm
workers rearranged the entire structure of
the South African agricultural sector.
Mackay, K. G. (2018). Who Sits at the Table? A female farm activist’s experience during the De Doorns farm workers strike, South
Africa…
Tocantinópolis
v. 3
n. 3
p. 937-948
sep./dec.
2018
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Farm workers disrupted table grape and
wine production, which negatively affected
the industry’s local and international
markets, and barricaded the national road.
They brought the daily reality of the lives
of farm workers – a marginalised and
invisible sector of the South African
society – to the full attention of South
Africa and the world (Andrews, 2014 and
Klienbooi, 2013).
The strike can be considered,
therefore, a watershed moment across
farms in the Western Cape of South Africa.
What has emerged after the strike is a
“new levels of consciousness” and “new
confidence” (Andrews, 2014, p. 3). It
represents a moment when ordinary people
respond to conditions of inequality and can
practically insert themselves into economic
life (Hart and Sharp, 2014).
Despite this, however, the conditions
of employment for farm workers after the
strike can be considered the same, or in
some instances, worse than before the
strike. If the newly elected far-right
Brazilian president, Jair Bolsonaro, makes
good on his electoral promises of a pro-
market and favourable stance to agri-
corporations (The Guardian, 2018), then
South Africa and Brazil have at least one
more thing in common. The gains made
by indigenous tribes and campesinos
within the Brazilian region, as well as
those made by the farm workers in South
Africa, continue to hang in the balance. In
both regions, the urgent work of social
justice and equality is still necessary.
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i
This article is located within a PhD study where
the central phenomenon was to explore the
education process that engendered activism
amongst six female farm activists who live and/or
work on commercial farms in South Africa. This
journal article is one of the six cases.
ii
At an exchange rate of 1Brazilian Real equals
3,80 South African Rand; R150 equals 570
Brazilian Reals.
iii
The workers of Lonmin platinum mine in
Marikana in the North West Province of South
Africa embarked on a strike demanding a R12 500
monthly salary (approximately R47 500 Brazilian
Reals). On the 16 August 2012 the South African
Police Service retaliated and killed 34
mineworkers, seriously injured 78 and arrested 250
miners. (Source:
https://www.sahistory.org.za/article/marikana-
massacre-16-august-2012).
iv
The use of the term” boer” needs some
explanation. Strictly speaking the English
translation for the Afrikaans term “boer” is
“farmer.” Given South Africa’s apartheid past, the
word “boer,” however, is associated with the
racialised ideology and institutions that supported
apartheid. These would include economic
subordination, social segregation, political
hegemony, legislation and violence (Wolpe and
Unterhalter, 1991 and Hirson, 1979). The English
term “farmer” does carry the same connotation and
therefore the use of “boer” or “boers” will be used
in the English text.
v
This is a pseudonym and its use is a condition of
the Faculty of Education’s Ethics Department.
Article Information
Received on October 2nd, 2018
Accepted on October 31th, 2018
Published on November 16th, 2018
Author Contributions: The author was responsible for the
designing, delineating, analyzing and interpreting the data,
production of the manuscript, critical revision of the content
and approval of the final version published.
Mackay, K. G. (2018). Who Sits at the Table? A female farm activist’s experience during the De Doorns farm workers strike, South
Africa…
Tocantinópolis
v. 3
n. 3
p. 937-948
sep./dec.
2018
ISSN: 2525-4863
948
Conflict of Interest: None reported.
Orcid
Kara Grace Mackay
http://orcid.org/0000-0003-4381-8024
How to cite this article
APA
Mackay, K. G. (2018). Who Sits at the Table? A female
farm activist’s experience during the De Doorns farm
workers strike, South Africa. Rev. Bras. Educ. Camp., 3(3),
937-948. DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.20873/uft.2525-
4863.2018v3n2p937
ABNT
MACKAY, K. G. Who Sits at the Table? A female farm
activist’s experience during the De Doorns farm workers
strike, South Africa. Rev. Bras. Educ. Camp.,
Tocantinópolis, v. 3, n. 3, sep./dec., p. 937-948, 2018.
DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.20873/uft.2525-
4863.2018v3n2p937